By W. Pojmann
The political and social activism of immigrants to Europe due to the fact that 1945 takes the highlight during this quantity. all of the twelve chapters attracts on clean examine from overseas students who hide such conflict-ridden topics as self sufficient migrant organizing and transnational activism. From Afro-Asian scholar protests and the sans-papiers circulate to the hard work unions, political events, and feminist teams, the chapters supply a riveting examine numerous migrant studies in Europe. They additionally offer compelling fabric for a welcome comparability of the impression of migration on ecu international locations as various as Germany, France, Belgium, Sweden, Spain, and Italy.
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Additional resources for Migration and Activism in Europe since 1945 (Europe in Transition: The NYU European Studies Series)
We felt as if we brought down what it symbolized. It was an institution that was deeply hated by many Antilleans. In sum, the occupation signaled a fresher start for the community. 65 Antilleans occupied the BUMIDOM during the entire events, preventing administrators from entering the building, wrecking offices, and destroying documents. As my archival research at the BUMIDOM and my fieldwork among former AGTAG members suggests, although the takeover was spontaneous, it quickly escalated into a well-coordinated event.
In fact, it is through the CGT’s antenna in Africa that many of the first generation postcolonial leaders and top officials were able to gain popular support for effectively spreading a nationalist consciousness. See Elizabeth Schmidt, “Top Down or Bottom Up? Nationalist Mobilization Reconsidered, with Special Reference to Guinea (French West Africa),” American Historical Review 110, no. 4 (October 2005): 975–1014. 22. ” 23. Archive de la Confédération Général du Travail, A 22g Box Immigrés travailleurs en France, “Les travaillleurs espagnols dans la métallugie parisienne” (June 1964).
36 Last, the Ministry of Interior, the branch of government responsible for managing immigration to and out of France, deterred labor migrants from participating in trade unionism, especially in strikes. Migrants could face deportation if the government determined the strikes were politically motivated. After the May 1968 events, as an intimidating gesture, the Ministry of Interior deported seven hundred migrant workers for demanding the same things as the other eight million French workers. 37 Thus, in the 1960s Antillean and sub-Saharan African migrants hardly benefited from trade unionism partly because of structural causes, as much as the unions’ reluctance to acknowledge how race, migration, gender, and citizenship led to the reproduction of inequalities in the labor market.