Locality in minimalist syntax by Thomas S. Stroik

By Thomas S. Stroik

During this hugely unique reanalysis of minimalist syntax, Thomas Stroik considers the optimum layout houses for human language. Taking as his place to begin Chomsky's minimalist assumption that the syntactic part of a language generates representations for sentences which are interpreted at perceptual and conceptual interfaces, Stroik investigates how those representations may be generated so much parsimoniously. Countering the existing analyses of minimalist syntax, he argues that the computational houses of human language consist merely of strictly neighborhood Merge operations that lack either look-back and look-forward homes. All grammatical operations decrease to a unmarried kind of in the community outlined feature-checking operation, and all grammatical houses are the cumulative results of neighborhood grammatical operations. As Stroik demonstrates, decreasing syntactic operations to neighborhood operations with a unmarried property—merging lexical fabric into syntactic derivations—not in basic terms significantly raises the computational potency of the syntactic part, however it additionally optimally simplifies the layout of the computational process. Locality in Minimalist Syntax explains various syntactic phenomena that experience lengthy resisted earlier generative theories, together with that-trace results, superiority results, and the interpretations on hand for multiple-wh structures. It additionally introduces the continue to exist precept, a huge new suggestion for syntactic research, and gives whatever thought of very unlikely in minimalist syntax: a locality account of displacement phenomena. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 51

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Chomsky (1995, 2000a) has addressed (i) and (ii), identifying various interpretable and uninterpretable features that form LIs, and I will add little to this discussion beyond the remarks I made in the previous chapter on the impossibility of uninterpretable features. Instead, I will investigate how we can maximally simplify the operations of CHL. The operations of CHL, as (1) suggests, combine LIs to form SOs, or they combine SOs with other LIs or SOs to form more complex SOs. Given (1), it should be possible to define SOs recursively with the use of Merge operations, along the lines specified in (2).

Consequently, A will have to combine with other SOs until all the features of A that must be checked/ deactivated are properly checked/deactivated. If A emerges from the computation with an unchecked or undeactivated feature, then the entire derivation involving A either will crash because it will have information not readable by the performance systems, as Chomsky (1993, 1995) proposes, or it will stall, in line with Frampton and Gutmann’s (2002) crashproof syntax, and never reach the performance systems.

Ko gdje kupuje sta If Attract were responsible for the wh-movement in (11), then we would expect all the sentences in (11) to be well formed because the [WH] feature of the C head should be satisfied by a single wh-movement to SpecCP. This suggests that motivation for wh-movement resides in both the features of the wh-elements and in the features of the C head. Hence, Attract needs to be recast either as Lasnik’s (1995) Enlightened SelfInterest—a principle that permits elements to move to satisfy either their own morphological requirements or the morphological requirements of an attracting head—or as Boskovic´’s (1999) Attract-n-F—a principle that allows a head to attract more than one phrase with feature F.

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