By Malka Rappaport Hovav, Edit Doron, Ivy Sichel
This booklet makes a speciality of the linguistic illustration of temporality within the verbal area and its interplay with the syntax and semantics of verbs, arguments, and modifiers. top students discover the department of labour among syntax, compositional semantics, and lexical semantics within the encoding of occasion constitution, encompassing occasion contributors and the temporal houses linked to occasions. They study the interface among occasion constitution and the structures with which it interacts, together with the interface among occasion constitution and the syntactic consciousness of arguments and modifiers. Deploying a number of frameworks and theoretical views they think about relevant matters and questions within the box, between them even if argument-structure is laid out in the lexical entries of verbs or syntactically built in order that syntactic place determines thematic prestige; even if the hierarchical constitution evidenced in argument constitution locate parallels in signal language; should still the relation among contributors of an alternation pair, similar to the causative-inchoative alternation, be understood lexically or derivationally; and the position of syntactic type in identifying the configuration of argument constitution.
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Additional resources for Lexical Semantics, Syntax, and Event Structure (Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)
Multiple-point scales are associated with attributes which can have many values. Within the class of change of state verbs, verbs with multiple-point scales are called ‘degree achievement’ or ‘gradual change’ verbs, and, as mentioned, they are often derived from gradable adjectives. The comparable directed motion verbs describe gradual traversals of a path; they include advance, descend, fall, recede, and rise. Multiple-point scales fall into two types: those with bounds—closed scales—and those without bounds (unless overtly speciﬁed)—open scales.
Other properties of in-adverbials are shown to follow from their characterization as denoting container intervals. For example, since measure functions preserve summation but container intervals do not, there is a contrast between She worked on the book for a year and She wrote the book in a year. The former is true if she worked on her book for the ﬁrst six months in 2002 and then for the last six months in 2003, but the latter is not. Christopher Pin˜o´n’s chapter is concerned with the denotation of the object argument of verbs of creation.
However, Mittwoch (1998) contains the crucial observation that ‘the widely accepted Introduction 17 assumption that count nouns always refer heterogeneously is untenable. Many mathematical concepts refer homogeneously’ (p. 250). This observation presents a serious puzzle for the widely held belief that a count noun as an incremental theme in direct object position turns an activity into an accomplishment because it is non-homogeneous (Zucchi 2001 and Rothstein 2004 suggest solutions to this puzzle).