By Fulong Wu
Introducing readers to the far-reaching worldwide orientation that's now occurring in city China, an foreign workforce of members describe overarching globalization via an in depth exam of the transformation of the equipped surroundings. quite a number city improvement methods are analyzed together with urbanization, actual property improvement, altering landscapes, the economic restructuring of the second-tier urban, and the formation of the city-region within the context of worldwide and native interactions. In reading urban improvement and native practices as a part of globalization procedures, the worldwide urban is taken care of as a set of microcosms and urban areas, overcoming the analytical rigidity of the dichotomy of the perceived 'East as opposed to West' divide.
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Extra info for Globalisation and the Chinese City (Routledgecurzon Contemporary China Series)
From the “line-border” perspective, a border represents a frontier territorial edge lying astride the boundary that sets the legal limit of the state. It tends to separate rather than unite border regions of two states through demarcated jurisdictions, control over crossings, and enforced customs rights. The competing perspective, however, sees a border as a contact zone or filter factor that creates a functioning membrane space for transboundary economic exchanges and social interactions and their diffusion beyond the border (Ratti 1993).
Taylor (eds) World Cities in a World System, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 232–248. Brenner, N. (1999) ‘Globalisation as reterritorialisation: the re-scaling of urban governance in the European Union’, Urban Studies, 36: 431–451. Burawoy, M. (2001) ‘Neoclassical sociology: from the end of communism to the end of classes’, American Journal of Sociology, 106 (4): 1099–1120. Cartier, C. (2002) ‘Transnational urbanism in the reform-era Chinese city: landscapes from Shenzhen’, Urban Studies, 39 (9): 1513–1532.
2 The Greater Mekong Subregion. During 1954–1970, trade between Jilin and North Korea was largely confined to small-scale bartering between the Yanbian Korean Autonomous prefecture (which is over 40 percent ethnic Korean) of Jilin and North Korea. Due to China’s Cultural Revolution, this trade was suspended between 1970 and 1982 when Jilin province resumed both border trade and local barter trade with North Korea. Jilin exported mostly lumber, rice, rubber, steel, and metal products, while North Korea’s exports included seafood products, fruits, steel, and fertilizer (Shi and Yu 1995).