By Shalom Lappin, Elabbas Benmamoun
This quantity comprises essays on ellipsis -- the omission of understood phrases from a sentence -- and the heavily similar phenomena of gapping. This quantity provides paintings via top researchers on syntactic, semantic and computational features of ellipsis. The chapters assemble a number of theoretical views and consider more than a few cross-linguistic phenomena regarding ellipsis in jap, Arabic, Hebrew, and in English. This quantity might be of curiosity to syntacticians, semanticists, computational linguists, and cognitive scientists.
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Additional info for Fragments: Studies in Ellipsis and Gapping
P (alice) = recommend(alice, x) c. P y . recommend(y,x) d. P(mary) — recommend(mary,x) e. (some x book(x) hate(alice,x)) before (recommend(alice, x), recommend(mary, x)) Discharging the assumption before resolution of ellipsis leads to different readings. The discharged source interpretation is (20a), leading to the ellipsis equation (20b). Here, because of the secondary occurrence of the argument to P, alice, a strict/sloppy distinction is manifested in the two available solutions (20c) and (20d) for P.
As evidence for this view, consider example (23) in which a uniqueness presupposition is clearly not called for. Since the NP 'his finger' does not presuppose uniqueness, all three readings are achieved, including both strict readings, one in which Bill hits the same one of John's fingers that John hit, and one in which he hits a possibly different one of John's fingers. (23) John hit his finger with a hammer and so did Bill. 2 Anaphoric Dependencies between Source and Target Gawron and Peters also apply their Absorption Principle to limit the possible readings of sentences with ellipsis involving pronominal target subjects.
Consider DSP's example (15) Every student revised his paper and then Bill did. The antecedent meaning with the subject NP scoped may be represented as (16) every( x. student(x), x. revise(x,paper-of(x))) The initial meaning of the subject NP is a conditional one: (17) (every, x, student) x But one cannot set up an ellipsis equation using this conditional meaning, since it only makes sense as an intermediate stage in a meaning derivation. Instead, a generalized quantifier meaning is obtained by discharging the quantifier assumption over some arbitrary property S and abstracting over S: (18) S.