Grammar

Focus and Grammatical Relations in Creole Languages: Papers by Francis Byrne, Donald Winford

By Francis Byrne, Donald Winford

The amount has as its subject, not just the kinds of formal buildings and units which creole languages syntactically make the most of to accomplish constituent concentration, but additionally, in a wider feel, the numerous different phenomena and strategies present in those languages which serve to spotlight sentence-level components. The ebook is geared up into 5 sections: 1. verb concentration, predicate clefting and predicate doubling; 2. concentration and anti-focus; three. concentration and pronominals; four. discourse patterning; five. grammatical kin.

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Extra info for Focus and Grammatical Relations in Creole Languages: Papers from the University of Chicago Conference on Focus and Grammatical Relations in Creole Languages

Example text

Cutting yam Comp use knife cut yam The pattern in (57) follows from the structure in (58). (58) differs from (53) only in the direction of V'-adjunction, a difference which Awóyalé moti­ vates semantically. The different directions of V'-adjunction in (53) vs. (58) do not affect the extractability of the gerund of thefirstverb. This is so because the first verb is al­ ways visible to Infl (which in Yorùbá contains subject Agr, but not tense). Vvisibility is satisfied by head movement of V1 to Agr, voiding the barrier.

See 3sg Loc mirror Det b) Jaki blese injure 3sg li/j. 'Jak 'Jak 'Jak saw himself in the mirror' OR saw him/her/it in the mirror' hurt himself ' OR 'Jak hurt him/her' VERB FOCUS IN KWA/KRU AND HAITIAN c) Jaki benyen li/j bathe 3sg d) Jaki abiye li two bwddè. dress 3sg too fancy 31 'Jak bathed himself OR 'Jak bathed him/her' 'Jak got dressed up too fancy' OR 'Jak dressed him/her up too fancy For the problem at hand, these observations show that the binding difference between vle and vle pou does not require Sterlin's supposition that pou is in Comp.

That (32a) has a structure like (7a). g. : 33) Se te dio yo ke te konn a touye moun. ' (Fauchois 1982:6) In fact, there is no reason to suppose that te is a tense element, since Haitian also derives past tense readings with no overt 'past' morpheme via the factative effect (Damoiseau 1982, Déchaine 1990). As in manyKrulanguages (Weimers 1977), the Haitian 'past' morpheme appears to be an adverb, rather than a member of the inflectional category Tense (like English -ed). Finally, the intransitivity involved in Vo nominalization may well be a sur­ face phenomenon.

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