By Richard Youngs
"The geopolitics of oil and gasoline have made a stunning go back to the foreign political schedule. the ecu Union (EU) has well-known the significance of incorporating strength protection extra systematically into international coverage. It has devoted itself to pursuing an strength safety coverage in line with industry interdependence, ecu team spirit and long term governance advancements in manufacturer states. In providing the 1st wide, worldwide review of the international coverage dimensions of ecu power protection, this ebook considers how a ways those commitments were implemented." "The ebook examines how the EU's basic method of strength safety has performed out within the particular political contexts of alternative nations and areas. it will likely be of curiosity to scholars, students and coverage makers within the fields of European/EU Politics, power politics, overseas coverage and foreign Relations."--Jacket. learn more... advent -- strategies of power safeguard and european international coverage -- The coverage reaction : ecu strength tasks -- the center East -- Russia -- The Caucasus and crucial Asia -- Sub-Saharan Africa -- eu strength businesses -- Conclusions
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Extra info for Energy security : Europe's new foreign policy challenge
While France generated over 40 per cent of its energy from nuclear power, other states had committed themselves to a non-nuclear future. The French investment in nuclear power was referred to frequently by insiders as a major factor limiting the commitment of one of the EU’s big foreign-policy actors to a genuinely common energy security strategy. 4 per cent in 2005. 3 make clear, this overall ﬁgure masked signiﬁcant diﬀerences in member states’ import proﬁles. Seven states – Cyprus, Malta, Luxembourg, Ireland, Portugal, Italy and Spain – registered external dependencies of over 80 per cent; at the other end of the spectrum, dependencies of under 20 per cent were enjoyed by Poland, the UK and Denmark (the latter a net exporter of oil products).
Ironically perhaps, to some extent Britain was one of the keenest advocates of more supranationalized competences in energy policy, extolling the ‘dawn raids’ of recalcitrant energy ﬁrms undertaken by the European Commission. Sweden placed itself towards the more liberal end of the spectrum, a position inﬂuenced by the country’s limited use of gas for domestic energy, reducing reliance on politically eﬀected ﬁxed contracts. Hungary also claimed to be more comfortable than many other member states with a liberally oriented external dimension, to the extent that it had already been obliged to undergo structural adjustments in its energy sector as part of its post-Soviet transition.
The Commission argued that the EU needed a ‘coherent external energy policy’, agreement on which would represent ‘a break from the past’ – a past characterized by a conspicuous lack of unity and coordination. 4 Responding to the Green Paper, member state representatives in the European Council accepted that ‘foreign and development policy aspects are gaining increasing importance to promote energy policy objectives with other countries’. 7 External-relations commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner revealed that the aim to bolster the foreign-policy dimensions of energy policy was the key driving force behind the ENP.