By Gregory D. S. Anderson
This is often the main finished survey ever released of the auxiliary verb development. Drawing on a database of over 800 languages Dr Anderson examines their morphosyntactic kinds and semantic roles. He investigates and explains the old adjustments resulting in the cross-linguistic variety of inflectional styles, and provides his effects inside a brand new typological framework. He finds a lot that's new in regards to the language households of the area and makes a big contribution to the knowledge in their nature and evolution.
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Additional resources for Auxiliary Verb Constructions (Oxford Studies in Typology and Linguistic Theory)
Akan KoW n-ye adwuma m-ma Amma KoW neg-do work neg-give Amma ‘KoW does not work for Amma’ (Seuren 1990: 18; Schachter 1974: 266) b. Akan/Twi mi-guaree me-baa mpono 1[:pst]-swim 1[:pst]-come shore ‘I swam to the shore’ (Sebba 1987: 184; Christaller 1875: 131) Auxiliaries and AVCs 13 c. prf-give Amma ‘I have worked for Amma’ (Schachter 1974: 260) However, when V1 or V2 in a SVC becomes grammaticalized as a functional verbal element, commonly referred to as ‘aspectual’ or ‘modal serialization’, etc.
1989) (Young and Givo´n 1991: 223) (37) a. Loniu (Austronesian; Papua New Guinea) yo u-tO min tan I 1-aux sit down ‘I was sitting down’ (Hamel 1994: 105) b. Loniu iy a i-sO ˇc«lu s/he still 3-aux stand ‘she was still standing there’ (Hamel 1994. 107) (38) a. Gta? b. Gta? ii-fut ‘I was eating’ ‘I will be feeding’ (Mahapatra et al. 1989) (39) Raga (Austronesian; Vanuatu) ra-m ban 3pl-cont go ‘they are going’ (Lynch et al. 2002: 45) (40) Lavukaleve (East Papuan; Solomon Islands) homela-v koi deava sia me-v Wv koi fo’sal vo-kuru me-v Wv woman-pl also diving do hab-pl 3pl:foc also Wsh:pl 3pl:obj-hit hab-pl 3pl:foc ‘women also usually go diving and catching Wsh’ (Terrill 2003: 385) Auxiliaries and AVCs (41) a.
I oVer but a small portion of tense-encoding AVCs below. dep-arrive ‘they will soon arrive’ (Setshedi 1974: 16) 31 (29) Wambaya ganjim-a gun-u Wnish-fut 3m-fut ‘he will Wnish it’ (Nordlinger 1998: 51) AVCs are frequently grammaticalized to encode a range of modal categories as well. These include such diverse categories traditionally falling under the super-heading ‘Modal’ as hearsay or evidentials of various types, (ir)realis, desiderative, various deontic and epistemic notions of capability, likelihood, possibility, obligation, etc.