By Yoshiki Ogawa
Syntactically talking, it has lengthy been recognized that noun words are parallel to clauses in lots of respects. whereas so much syntactic theories contain this precept, nouns have in general been considered as not as good as verbs by way of their licensing talents, and nominal projections were considered as much less complicated than verbal projections when it comes to the variety of useful different types that they comprise. Ogawa, despite the fact that, argues that clauses and noun words are completely parallel. This publication presents a unified concept of clauses and noun words, eventually aiding to simplify various thorny concerns within the syntax/morphology interface.
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Additional resources for A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)
On the other hand, English, Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, Icelandic, and Yiddish belong to SVO languages in which all projections, whether lexical or functional, are uniformly head-initial. 1 Germanic SOV Languages Let us first consider the partially head-final Germanic languages. It seems to hold unexceptionally that these languages do not permit the null C in a finite nonfactive clausal complement whose finite verb remains inside IP: (35) a. German (Webelhuth 1989:179): Peter sagte *(dass) Hans Maria gekiisst hat.
Now, let us apply the suggestion to the case at hand. Then, the correct derivation of (51) proceeds step by step, as follows: As a result of the local applications of affix reanalysis, we obtain the complex word in (61), which does not violate condition (5) since it is in all relevant respects nondistinct from (62) in that a single null affix is adjoined by an overt head as in the Germanic V2 configuration: 42 A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections Hence, the MSLs allow the null C in a complement clause even if the matrix verbs occur in a V2 configuration.
There was given (to) a lady a bouquet. The fact that the Goal NP in (19) cannot be accompanied by the overt preposition to is also comparable to the absence of to in the double object construction. " As far as the structural distinction between (16) and (19) is well-motivated, the fact that the tell-class verbs allow their CP argument to be headed by the null C is not problematic for us. 4 Further Cross-linguistic Data This section demonstrates that our treatment of the facts in English and French (= (1) and (17)) is corroborated by the facts in many other (typologically unrelated) languages.