By Hans Kung
Because the 20th century attracts to a detailed and the push to globalization gathers momentum, political and fiscal concerns are crowding out important moral questions on the form of our destiny. Now, Hans K?ng, one of many world's preeminent Christian theologians, explores those matters in a visionary and cautionary examine the arriving worldwide society. How can the hot global order of the 21st century steer clear of the horrors of the 20th? Will international locations shape a true neighborhood or proceed to aggressively pursue their very own pursuits? Will the Machiavellian methods of the prior be successful over idealism and a extra humanitarian politics? What function can faith play in an international more and more ruled through transnational agencies? K?ng tackles those and plenty of different questions with the perception and ethical authority that comes from a lifetime's devotion to the quest for justice and human dignity. Arguing opposed to either an amoral realpolitik and an immoral resurgence of laissez faire economics, K?ng defines a complete ethic based at the bedrock of mutual admire and humane therapy of all beings that will surround the ecological, criminal, technological, and social styles which are reshaping civilization. If we will have an international economic system, an international expertise, an international media, K?ng argues, we should also have an international ethic to which all countries, and peoples of the main assorted backgrounds and ideology, can dedicate themselves. "The world," he says, "is unlikely to be held jointly through the Internet." For someone fascinated with the realm we're developing, an international Ethic for international Politics and Economics deals equivalent measures of expert research, compassionate foresight, and clever assistance.
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Additional resources for A Global Ethic for Global Politics and Economics
Excessive expectations like 'the new heaven and the new earth' of the Puritans, Lyndon Johnson's 'great society', or Ronald Reagan's 'America against the dark empire', easily lead to the disillusionment and cynicism against which Niebuhr already warned. Even America as the 'beneficent global policeman', which is in fact what Wilson already had in view, asks too much of even the immense possibilities and forces of the United States and leads to frustrations and 'do-nothing polities' in other cases.
C) The victory of the 'realists' We may readily agree with Kissinger that this world-historical controversy was not least a conflict between two different conceptions of diplomacy. But looked at closely, this is not a conflict between American and European diplomacy, but a conflict between the old and the new No Moralizing Ideal Politics 33 diplomacy. And it is the tragedy of the situation that after the First World War - unlike after the Second - at least among the victors there was not a single European statesman of stature who, like Wilson, had recognized the 'signs of the time' and argued for a new foreign politics and a peace with justice with the intelligence, resolution and persuasiveness of a Richelieu or a Bismarck.
21 Kissinger's knowledgeable and exciting historical account of Richelieu confirms the general impression given by his book Diplomacy: it is a large-scale, skilful apologia for real politics, which in his view should have been self-limiting. 39 But is 'moderation' sufficient here as a criterion for action when the aims and methods otherwise remain the same? And, one asks, must not the criticism of Louis XIV already begin radically with Richelieu, who was not unjustly the most hated man of his time?